I have shown that NP Ellipsis, ellipsis of an NP within DP stranding a possessor, is a syntactically controlled ellipsis process, parallel to VP Ellipsis in clausal syntax. Bare quantifiers, on the other hand, pattern like pragmatically controlled ellipsis. All of the consequences of this analysis of NP Ellipsis are borne out; the ellipsis site has internal structure and it is limited by the exact same identity condition given by Merchant (1999) for VP Ellipsis.
Lastly, an argument is given that Lobeck's account is incomplete compared to this one.
We have seen a greater symmetry across ellipsis paradigms and between the nominal and clausal syntactic domains, thus simplifying and unifying the grammar. It remains to be seen whether there are other ellipsis patterns that can be added to the NP Ellipsis/VP Ellipsis/Sluicing paradigm, whether from English or from other languages, and whether a simple generalization can be made about what exactly licenses these particular ellipsis processes and prevents many imaginable but non-existent others. As is so often the case, new questions have emerged even as old ones are resolved.